As anticipated, Benazir Bhutto’s anti-poor, anti-business, “killer-budget” has begun to claim its toll. At least four protesting workers of the Jamaat i Islami were gunned down by General Naseerullah Babar’s trigger-happy policemen in Rawalpindi on June 24th. This, despite Ms Bhutto’s public vow a day earlier that she would not fall into any “trap” by the opposition to litter the streets with dead bodies and inflame passions against the government.
It also comes as no surprise to learn that opposition leader Nawaz Sharif has lodged a complaint (‘reference’) with the Speaker of the National Assembly seeking the disqualification of Ms Bhutto and Mr Asif Zardari as members of parliament. Mr Sharif has alleged that they are guilty of concealing the purchase of property worth millions of Pounds in England and have thereby violated constitutional provisions (articles 62 and 63) relating to the moral conduct of parliamentarians and national leaders. Mr Sharif wants his “reference” to be forwarded to the chief election commissioner for suitable action. If it is and the election commissioner rejects it, Mr Sharif will challenge the decision in the supreme court. If it isn’t, he will appeal to the supreme court to take cognizance of his complaint.
A number of ominous developments continue apace. The chief justice of the supreme court, Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, has noted the contents of a letter by Air Marshall (Retd) Asghar Khan demanding “suo moto” accountability of ex-army chief General Aslam Beg and Pakistan’s ambassador to Germany General Asad Durrani for alleged misconduct in office in 1990-91. The CJ is said to be examining the legal implications of hauling up both gentlemen for questioning. In Punjab, the Lahore High Court is seized with the matter of Mr Manzoor Wattoo’s restoration as chief minister. And a lower court judge has accepted a petition to probe the case of a consignment of “artifacts and household goods” allegedly despatched on PIA, free of cost, by Zardari House to the Pakistani High Commissioner in London. A spate of other cases is on the cards.
Meanwhile, the government has completed its enquiry of Habibgate 1990 (remember Yunus Habib and how he doled out money to all and sundry to ensure that the IJI won the election?) and is ready to flay the opposition. In response the opposition is threatening to open up Mehrangate 1994 (remember how the same Yunus Habib doled out money to all and sundry to make sure that Mr Sabir Shah’s opposition government would be ousted in the NWFP in 1994?) and put the government in the dock.
All the opposition political parties in the country are wittingly knocking on the doors of the judiciary for relief against the “excesses” of Ms Bhutto’s government. And what is the judiciary doing if not protesting the excesses of the government against itself? Ms Bhutto’s opponents clearly think the time has come to close ranks. What has Ms Bhutto wrought? Where is she headed?
Ms Bhutto, her spouse and her advisors have brought Pakistan to a sorry pass. They set out with a coalition government comprising people like Manzoor Wattoo, Nawabzada Nasrullah, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Balkh Sher Mazari and Maulana Fazlur Rahman. Now Mr Wattoo is gunning for them while the other gentlemen have activated an “independent” opposition group in the National Assembly. They set out to cobble a subservient, pro-executive judiciary. Instead, they have created the most interventionist set of judges in history. They set out to pulverize Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan. Instead, they have launched the most popular leaders since Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. They said Nawaz Sharif was corrupt, that he destroyed the economy. But their own corruption has broken all records and the economy can hardly breathe. They said they were pro-people, but the people are out on the streets against them. They said they would rule for ten years at least. But they would be lucky to last this year.
The current political situation is not novel by any means. A restoration of Mian Wattoo in Punjab, followed by a legal onslaught on Mr Aftab Sherpao’s government in the NWFP, would lead to a political mess and constitutional gridlock as in 1993. If Ms Bhutto is somehow able to get round that crisis, which is doubtful, a fresh one will reappear when the local body elections are held. If she weathers that storm, which is again doubtful, she will eventually be confronted with the same sort of situation in which the former Bangla Desh prime minister, Mrs Khalida Zia, found herself in 1995. If she gives in, like Mrs Zia eventually did, she will be out of office. If she resists, she will be booted out like her father in 1977.
Our elected representatives are unable to fathom the depth of the crisis of state and society. The constitution has been so bruised (and more battering is on the way) that the political system is without any “rules of the game”. The game is therefore up for grabs. Sit back, folks, and enjoy the show while the last act brutally plays itself out in the months to come.