The Friday Times: Najam Sethi’s Editorial
Imran Khan’s populist “stance” on the Pakistani Taliban in which their origins, beliefs and motivation are all somehow linked to America’s role in Pakistan since 9/11 has spawned much confusion and contradiction in society. Consequently Pakistan’s ruling elites are bereft of any consensual political strategy to combat the most serious existential threat to the country since independence. Consider the facts and the relationship between cause and effect.
It is wrong to say that the Taliban are a product of US intervention in Afghanistan. The truth is the Taliban are a product of the civil war in Afghanistan in the 1990s in which Pakistan was the real puppeteer. When the Taliban seized Kabul in 1997, America was not even on the scene. Indeed, the Taliban provoked America to invade by sheltering Osama bin Laden after he claimed responsibility for attacking America on 9/11. The American/ISAF intervention in Afghanistan was backed up by UN Security Council resolution 1388 in December 2001.
It is wrong to say that the Taliban are a blowback consequence of American drone attacks. It is wrong to say that the drones exact huge civilian casualties. It is wrong to say that if Pakistan can somehow stop the drones the Taliban will stop waging war. The truth is that the Taliban appeared in 1995 and the drones in 2004. The truth is that the Taliban violated Pakistan’s sovereignty first when they created safe havens in FATA in 2001. The truth is that the Pakistan’s military approved of both safe havens for the Taliban and the American drone strikes against them. The truth is, as Major General Ghayur, a spokesman of the Pakistan Army, claimed in 2011, that the drones exact more military than civilian casualties. Indeed, Pakistan’s main grouse is not that the Americans use drones indiscriminately or illegally but that they refuse to enable the Pakistani military to own and use the drones.
It is wrong to demand peace deals with the Taliban. The truth is that we have cobbled four major and nine minor peace deals with sections of the Pakistani Taliban since 2004. Each agreement was repudiated by them and left Pakistan weaker than before.
It is wrong to argue that a military operation against the TTP is misplaced for the same reasons that a military operation in Karachi or Balochistan is to be discouraged. The truth is that the troubles of Karachi and Balochistan are very different from those in FATA. In Karachi, there is a law and order problem of criminality and sectarian strife. But Imran Khan can still have political rallies in the city. He can also have rallies in Balochistan. As Akhtar Mengal explained, the dissidents are demanding historical constitutional rights of administrative and financial autonomy. That is why they must rightfully be accommodated within the system. That is also why the Supreme Court is defending their right to due process of law. But Imran Khan cannot hold a rally in Waziristan. He cannot even go there as demonstrated by his abortive march to Tank and back. The TTP is not demanding constitutional rights like the Baloch. Instead, it is seeking to oust the Constitution of Pakistan and eliminate the notions of a free media, independent judiciary, sovereign parliament, universal education, etc. The TTP is waging war against the very idea of Pakistan.
It is wrong to argue that “true liberals” do not ever advocate war and Pakistani liberals are “fascists” for doing so. The truth is Liberalism is principally against wars of aggression and supportive of wars in defense of the democratic and constitutional nation-state. Indeed, liberals have also supported interventionist wars against genocide in Bosnia and Rwanda. Pakistani liberals support military action against the Taliban because they are a mortal existential threat to Pakistan.
It is wrong to say that the Malala incident is a conspiracy by the West to push Pakistan into military operations against the Taliban. For many years, the West has been urging Pakistan to do more and go after the Taliban. But Pakistan has consistently refused to do US bidding. That is why the US-Pak “strategic relationship” has ended.
Lack of factual knowledge and a blind belief in America as the root cause of all our problems are two reasons why the Malala incident is still not cause enough to become a “turning point” for Pakistan. The dynamics of general elections are also in play. Imran Khan’s electoral strategy is geared to exploiting rampant anti-Americanism in Pakistan, especially among the young whose memory does not go beyond 9/11. Nawaz Sharif, who has most to lose from Khan’s success, cannot be unmindful of this factor. And everyone is worried about the consequences of a military operation that provokes a violent backlash from the Taliban and creates a pretext for postponement of elections.
Talibanism is an extremist mindset. Its proponents exist in every nook and corner of Pakistan. This mindset was nurtured in three decades of military misadventures in the region. Consistent and consensual policies of the opposite variety are needed if we want Pakistan to survive.