When Mian Shahbaz Sharif was nominated as the Chief Minister of the Punjab, two opinions were generally expressed. Some people said it was, quite simply, an unacceptable case of nepotism. Others felt that Mian Shahbaz had earned his political spurs in opposition and deserved the job. We were, however, inclined to reserve comment, partly because we weren’t too excited by the prospect of Mr Pervez Elahi becoming Chief Minister when he was already facing a case of alleged corruption in the Ehtesaab Commission. How has Mian Shahbaz Sharif fared?
Mian Shahbaz is reported to be a workaholic whose day begins at 7 in the morning and ends after midnight. No significant corruption scandal has thus far attached to his administration, though God knows how easy it is to succumb to temptation. Indeed, most of the postings and transfers that he has ordered in the provincial bureaucracy have been transparent and merited. We are also told that he is, by and large, disinclined to listen to the unreasonable “requests” of many PML-MPAs who are constantly knocking at his door. Certainly, his quick and resourceful response to the police outrage at Shantinagar has earned him some points in our book. The fact that he is always available to answer questions by the press is a bonus, especially because he does not make tall claims and is seldom shy of admitting his administration’s continuing difficulties and weaknesses. His off-the-record comments, admissions and solicitations suggest a man who is keen to prove his bonafides and deliver.
That said, it must be reiterated that Mian Shabaz’s biggest challenge remains law and order. It is very bad. The sectarian menace, in particular, has laid Punjab low. To be fair, however, this is a problem which the new CM has inherited. It is also no fault of his that the intelligence agencies and police are generally ill-equipped to handle such a task. But this excuse will wear thin in time to come. If Mian Shahbaz is unable to provide peace to Punjab, if he fails to reform the police, if he is inwilling to crack the whip and eliminate criminals, his credibility will plunge in no uncertain way.
An equally pressing issue, one which has already dented the CM’s reputation, relates to the shortage and high price of atta in the province. The federal government, as everyone knows, is entirely responsible for this crisis. It had no business removing the ban on the interprovincial movement of wheat imposed last year. What is, however, inexplicable is why Mian Shahbaz did not vigourously oppose this decision by Islamabad when he was in full possession of all the facts assembled by the caretaker government of Governor Tariq Rahim which successfully resisted much the same sort of pressure last December. More significantly, the atta crisis is likely to persist and Mian Shahbaz will remain under pressure for months to come. The domestic wheat crop has been hurt by the recent rains. Speculators and smugglers continue to hoard the crop. Favourite flour mill owners are constantly pushing and shoving to jump the quota queue. And transportation facilities are inadequate to cope with the 3 million tonnes of wheat imports scheduled in the next few months. If Punjab is sacrificed at the alter of other provincial governments for political reasons or is persuaded to part with its share of imported wheat for the sake of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the people of the province will not forgive the CM for their palpable miseries.
Much the same may be said of an impending sugar crisis. As everyone knows, sugar mill owners and speculators are feverishly hoarding the commodity in order to make a killing later. Since the Sharif family is said to have large provincial interests in sugar, a crisis in the availability or price of sugar will damage Mian Shabaz’s reputation directly. Forewarned is forearmed. The CM simply cannot afford to confront such accusations in the months to come.
The next provincial budget will also prove difficult to negotiate. The provincial kitty is empty and Mian Shahbaz is under pressure to raise revenues. He knows he can do so only by taxing the big landlords, the trading community and the rentiers who are loathe to pay their dues. The problem is that these sections of society underpin his support base in the province. Worse, the younger brother is likely to end up becoming the fall-guy in the Punjab for the elder brother’s inability to balance his books in Islamabad. If industrial unrest breaks out, it will be in the populous cities of the Punjab and not in the clinical asylum of Islamabad. What will Mian Shahbaz do then?
One last point. Mian Shahbaz Sharif was raised to always respect, and defer to, the opinion of his father and elder brother. This is a virtue in traditional circumstances. But it can become a drag in politics, especially when the views of an astute member of the family are not given due weight. It is time therefore that Chotay Mian Sahib stood up and was heard in defence of his political and provincial rights?