Benazir Bhutto has broken all records for leading the most unpopular and corrupt civilian government since 1988. Despite this, however, she insists that she will last her full five year term. Is she kidding?
True, Mr Nawaz Sharif poses no great threat to the government. He may be more popular than Ms Bhutto but neither he nor his new-found allies have done anything remotely credible or earthshaking to warrant a quick election in which Mr Sharif’s popularity is favourably put to the test. In fact, Mr Sharif seems to have landed himself in a bit of a no-win situation. If he doesn’t whip up a storm (partly through mass resignations in the assemblies and partly through prolonged street agitation and civil disobedience) all his huffing and puffing will not bring the house down. But if he does go all the way, he risks precipitating a crisis of the political system in which, along with Ms Bhutto, he too may end up a loser, at least in the short run. That, at least, is the way the cookie could crumble, given Mr Sharif’s unwillingness in the last 22 months or so to mend fences with President Farooq Leghari and demonstrate his credibility as a genuine alternative to Ms Bhutto. So if Ms Bhutto is not immediately threatened by Mr Sharif, is there any other quarter or force which might conceivably pose problems?
An analysis of Ms Bhutto’s recent speeches and pronouncements would suggest that she is decidedly rattled by an increasing body of informed and respected opinion at home and abroad that is in favour of a Presidential intervention to clean up the mess created by eight years of political anarchy and corruption. There are several variants of this theme but the gist of the proposed formula goes something like this: The President, backed by the army and judiciary and acting very much within the bounds of the constitution, should set up an “interim government” to establish relatively clean, stable and unambiguous rules of the game so that the politicians who are returned to power in the next elections cannot derail the system and erode the authority of the state as easily and callously as they have done since 1988.
Ms Bhutto doesn’t like this formula one bit — she would, after all, be its very first casualty. Therefore she has launched a three pronged attack on its proponents and would-be executioners. The first thrust is aimed at, what she calls, “awam dushman” forces who advocate an “interim government of technocrats under the President”. “Who will guarantee that a caretaker regime will not become a fulltaker (sic) regime?”, shrieks the prime minister. A second assault is mounted against proponents of such a solution by a couple of muddled hacks who have succumbed to the charms of Ms Bhutto’s perverse “democracy”. But these miserable forays are of no account.
The third attack is more vicious and insidious: it is aimed at undermining the image and credibility of the highest representatives of the state. In the absence of new Nawaz Khokhars to do her bidding, the PM’s media managers have been compelled to harness sections of the press to do the needful. The President and Judiciary have already been targetted. Now it is GHQ’s turn. A good example is a recent article which argues that the Ukrainian tanks ordered by the army have been purchased at a price which is much higher than warranted. The inference is obvious, considering that the article is at pains to hide the fact that it is the Defence Ministry run by the civilians under this government rather than GHQ which has negotiated the deal.
Ms Bhutto and Mr Sharif have clearly joined hands (Allah be praised) to ensure that no calamity befalls their collective interests in keeping the political system alive in its present wretched form. That is why neither is prepared to offer reforms to cleanse the system. Why, for example, are they afraid to jointly pass legislation setting up an independent election commission? Why can’t floor-crossing be prohibited? Why can’t they knock out the discretionary powers of the PM and chief ministers? Why can’t they provide constitutional protection to independent judicial commissions to combat corruption in government? Why can’t laws be passed prohibiting politicians from recklessly trampling upon the various public service commissions? And so on.
This is no time for discredited politicians to go about looting the treasury and wrecking the economy. The country is precipitously close to bankruptcy. This is also no time to play dangerous games with the organs of the state. The judiciary is bristling with contempt for politicians. They are all out of favour with the President. And GHQ is getting restless.
Ms Bhutto and Mr Sharif should try and fathom the depths of despair and ruination to which the country has plunged on their account. If they don’t set things right immediately, they will wake up one fine morning soon enough to learn that the rotten system they have jointly spawned has gone down and taken them down with it. It is as simple as that.