Before he came to power, Mr Nawaz Sharif was only vaguely aware of the tough problems he would face when he became prime minister again. However, four months and dozens of briefings later, he should now have a better grasp of what went wrong under earlier governments, how the mess can be sorted out and who should be entrusted to do what in government.
Unfortunately, however, Mr Sharif’s style of governance leaves much to be desired. It remains highly personalised, fanciful or whimsical. Consistency, foresight and planning are not always evident. In fact, there does not seem to be any systematic approach to the “problem” of how to deliver “good governance” in a state, society and economy which become more complex by the day.
Examples abound. The “debt-relief” fund was a fanciful idea which has gone nowhere in particular. The decision to remove the ban on the inter-provincial movement of wheat was capricious and heart-breaking. The recognition of the Taliban government in Afghanistan demonstrated a lack of prudence. The extradition of Aimal Kansi was handled in a clumsy and unbecoming manner. The idea of a quick “detente” with India turned out to be extremely naive. The approach to the problems of terrorism in Karachi remains full of contradictions and vacillations. The personalisation of the Ehtesaab process has damaged a good cause. And so on.
Mr Sharif has failed to set up a team of good managers for effective governance. Look at his cabinet. Barring a couple of “honourable” exceptions, there is no one who inspires much confidence. The honourable exceptions, too, have either bargained away a chunk of their professionalism at the alter of realpolitiks or are too “weak” of character to insist on the proper course of action. If Mr Sharif thinks this “dream team” is going to propel Pakistan into the 21st century, he has another thought coming.
Mr Nawaz Sharif’s priorities also seem misplaced. He has buried the 8th amendment, hit the bureaucracy for a six and gagged his parliamentary colleagues. Now he is itching to clip the judiciary. All this for the sake of becoming more powerful. But it is worth asking what he intends to do with so much power. How will it help him cope with the myriad problems which beset this country? Indeed, might it not unnecessarily create certain fears and suspicions in important segments of state and society which are better avoided?
Mr Sharif should concentrate on priorities rather than power. He must revive the economy and provide law and order. More or less power in the hands of the prime minister is hardly the issue here. What is needed is a fail-safe strategy that will yield results and build confidence in Mr Sharif’s ability to lead from the front.
One of the most important ingredients of managerial success is effective leadership. Effective leadership, in turn, presupposes the ability to create and motivate a team of managers which understands what needs to be done and knows how to do it well. It is on this front that Mr Sharif is most lacking. Consider.
How many people in the cabinet are competent enough to understand the limitations of the status quo “summaries” which are routinely dusted off the shelves and put up by their secretaries? How many “professionals” and “technocrats” have been hired to supplant the “generalist” and “politicised” civil servants who lord it over a host of highly complex ministries and increasingly specialised departments? If, for the sake of parliamentary form, Mr Sharif is obliged to slot his party political loyalists into the cabinet, what is stopping him from ordering the recruitment of dozens of qualified young professionals into each of the ministries?
Mr Sharif does himself great disservice by flitting from one issue or place to another and dispersing his energy by “on-the-spot-orders” to do this or that. That is a job for a DC, not a PM. He insults our credulity by bringing back into government all the disagreeable characters who gave his first regime such a bad name and helped bring it down. And he makes a mockery of government by employing his family’s personal managers as high-profile aides and assistants.
Mr Sharif must quickly start to restructure state and society. The first step in this direction is to uproot the politics of ethnicity and jehad from society. The second step is to revive a host of important state institutions and autonomous bodies — like the DFIs, the Privatisation Commission, the Corporate Law Authority, Private Power and Infrastructure Board, the Board of Investment, Export Promotion Bureau, WAPDA, PR, OGDC, KESC, PIA, SNGL, SSGL, etc — by replacing the bureaucrats heading them with professionals from the private sector. Finally, a wide ranging reform of the civil and judicial system should lead to a more humane, accountable and competent system of administration and justice. Why is this so difficult?
Mr Sharif started well enough. But he has lost much ground and goodwill since. Indeed, he is now beginning to look like a man besieged. This is not a happy state of affairs. The sooner he takes some meaningful action, the better.