Forget Mian Nawaz Sharif’s rhapsodies in praise of himself. Forget his pathetic performance on TV last week, even if it reminds you of Richard Nixon during Watergate. Focus instead on what PPP Senator Yahya Bakhtiar has said recently.
Mr Bakhtiar cautioned Nawabzada Nasrullah & Co from urging the President “to take matters into his own hands and dismiss the government of Nawaz Sharif”. His argument is that by so doing the opposition will only confer such powers on the President as have not even been accorded under the controversial 8th Amendment. “One cannot allow the President to become Hobbes’ Leviathian”, he observed, “no matter how pressing temporary political objectives may be”.
Mr Bakhtiar also pointed out that these demands are inconsistent with the legal position taken by the PPP that the Presidential references against PPP leaders were “illegal, malafide and unconstitutional”. The proper course, he argued, is for the opposition to try and get rid of Mian Sahib, if they can, through a vote of no-confidence.
We agree with this line of constitutional reasoning, although we might suggest that “Thatherising” Mian Sahib might be preferable to “Bhuttoising” him. As for Nawabzada & Co, this is not the first time they have tried to jump the constitution. Not so long ago, they were exhorting Gen Aslam Beg to “save the country” from the clutches of Mian Nawaz Sharif.
The President may or may not relish the idea of becoming more powerful. But all these recipes for greater Presidential powers (including Senator Tariq Chaudhry’s scheme) are unhealthy. As it is, the current crisis is an outcrop of the controversial use of ‘discretionary’ powers by the President. It all began with his disputes with Bhutto which led to her dismissal last year. Next, the President unleashed a blatantly partisan process which led to the formation of Mr Jatoi’s interim government and references against Bhutto. Inevitably, what followed was the most rigged elections in Pakistani history. If the President had been neutral and less powerful, we might have avoided the whole mess.
The current situation is fraught with perilous consequences. The organs of the state are not prepared to countenance a quick return to power of the PPP after its rather dismal performance earlier. Bhutto, in turn, clings to some of the legacies of her father which are unacceptable to large chunks of public opinion. On the other side, Nawaz Sharif’s IJI has exposed itself rather quicker than expected as inefficient, corrupt and intolerant. Finally, Ishaq Khan has run out of options by openly siding with the IJI brigands. In short, the prime minister, leader of the opposition and the President are all stripping themselves of their relevance and, dare we say it, legitimacy.
The probability is that we shall hiccup along until the rumblings in Rawalpindi become audible. Fortunately, that may not happen for some months to come; the new army chief needs time to consolidate his power base and spread his wings. Also, the army is in no rush to act prematurely; there are too many contentious issues — tensions with India, deadlock with the US, the Afghan problem — which are better left to be tackled by elected representatives than by a military dictatorship.
When, however, the military does decide to flex its muscle, as indeed it inevitably must if the politicians continue to squabble, it could conceivably act to change the system. Instead of a controversial President, we could then end up with a powerful National Security Council in which the armed forces directly call the shots.
Surely, no politician can accept such constitutional tinkering. Yet, that is exactly where we are headed if the three topdogs do not get off their high horses.
The prescription is clear. First, the President must redress his wrongs: withdraw the references against Bhutto, restrain or replace Jam Sadiq so that the necessary conditions for restoring Sindh to democratic rule can be obtained and caution Sharif to rein in his towering ambitions. Second, Sharif should concentrate on running a good government and learn to live and let live. Third, Bhutto should play the role of an honourable leader of the opposition until it is fairly time for the next elections. Nothing can be gained by all the kettles on the boiler calling all the pots in the oven black.
Without suitable prodding and adjustments, however, we can hardly expect Sharif or Bhutto to stop clawing at each other, so great is their mutual sense of self-righteousness and outrage. That is why the ball is fairly in the President’s court. Rather than playing silly games with Senator Tariq Chaudhry and Nawabzada Nasrullah, rather than driving Bhutto to desperation and giving a long rope to Sharif, he should put his act together, within the space allowed by the constitution, and set the system on the rails again. Or, if it is way past his bedtime, the octogenarian should hand over his responsibilities to younger, less branded man.