Generally speaking, Pakistani politicians tend to apply rigourous double standards to the press. When they are in opposition, they love the press. Indeed, they are all too often tripping over themselves to wine and dine journalists who profess a degree of independence from the government. But when they are in government, they hate the press. That is when they lash out at “yellow” journalism and start talking about new laws to rein in the “irresponsible” press. That is also when they are quick to apply a host of “leverages” on the press for maximum effect — control over newsprint quotas, public sector advertising, lifafas and free foreign junkets.
By and large, though, the Pakistani press has learnt to take such double standards in its stride. The press knows that, with stiff competition, a degree of “independence” is necessary for purely commercial reasons. But it also knows that newsprint and government advertising in general and lifafas and junkets in particular are not to be sneered at. Indeed, for most newspapers, these are the very lubricants which make the press go. Therefore various stratagems have been devised by the press to have its cake and eat it too. It is a complex game in which the rules are constantly being devised or bent to accommodate and reject government pressure. Of course, when all else fails to appease the government, newspapers are compelled to go public with their complaint. This is what happened recently when the Jang/News group was ordered by Islamabad to fire at least four senior journalists from its staff, its advertisements were cut and the income tax authorities were unleashed against their owner-editor.
Unfortunately, however, weekly or monthly newsmagazines or papers have less room for manoeuvre than the dailies. Because they are compelled to offer something “special” to readers, they can rarely afford to be wishy-washy. Indeed, the choice is invariably quite stark: you can either have a blatantly pro-government and anti-opposition rag which relies on government handouts of newsprint and advertisements for survival; or you can have an ideological magazine with a national agenda of its own; or you can have an independent periodical based on private sector advertising and market-priced newsprint. It is this last category which continuously poses problems for the government because its independence is always viewed in an adversarial light by the powers-that-be. And it is this category which is often at the receiving end because of its rigid insistence on remaining independent.
Two of Pakistan’s most independent periodicals are, of course, The Friday Times (weekly) and Newsline (monthly). The latter has recently complained of harassment by the federal income tax authorities, a leverage of great convenience. This is nothing new. The magazine’s late editor, Razia Bhatti, was subjected to considerable mental anguish some years ago by the provincial Sindh government. But TFT’s experience has been quite bitter. In 1992-93, the Nawaz Sharif government pulled out all the stops to silence TFT. Our printers were served with notices threatening closure. Thugs were sent to try and soften up the editor. The DIG police didn’t mince his words when he wondered aloud how we might fare if our offices were bombed by more-loyal-than-the-king supporters of Mr Sharif. Rape and kidnapping threats were hurled over the phone and via letters to the editor’s wife and children. The income tax authorities served a notice for Rs 1.8 crores on us. But we refused to heel. Later, when Mr Sharif was in opposition, he personally apologised to us for what had transpired during his regime, saying “I didn’t know what was going on”. In recent times, the income tax authorities have told us of the pressure from Islamabad on them to lean on us, forcing us to go to the High Court for redress. Our moles tell us that all our phones are tapped. The editor’s residence phones, by turns, are invariably out of order. The editor’s bedroom has been violated by burglars. One of our correspondents has been threatened to “watch out or else” by none other than the gent who is running a notorious cell in Islamabad. But life goes on.
We must, however, admit that the Bhutto government on both occasions in power was less intimidating than the Sharif junta. Although Ms Bhutto constantly complained about the “unfair” coverage she received at the hands of the press, and often got very hot under the collar doing so, she did not try to conquer the press. But Mr Sharif is different. So, too, is the political culture of the Muslim League from that of the Peoples Party. If Ms Bhutto was a reluctant democrat, Mr Sharif is an avowed dictator. If Ms Bhutto forgave and forgot, Mr Sharif has the memory of a vengeful elephant.
When will governments understand that the “independent” press is here to stay? When will politicians understand that their best defence against an adverse press is better behaviour and good governance? When will “they” understand that “we” cannot all be intimidated into submission?
Mr Sharif may have conquered the presidency and the judiciary. But if he thinks he can silence the independent press, he has another think coming. There is still no shortage of Nelsons waiting to engage him at Waterloo.